The Perfection Protection Racket: How Public Health Strategy Keeps Smokers Hooked
Every few months, a new study emerges that follows a remarkably predictable script. Researchers publish data showing that vaping is substantially less dangerous than continuing to smoke cigarettes, journalists dutifully report the findings, and for a brief moment, it appears the public might finally receive a balanced discussion about harm reduction. Almost immediately, however, the conversation pivots away from the lives that could potentially be saved through switching and toward warnings, caveats, uncertainties, and reasons smokers should remain reluctant to embrace alternatives.
A recent example appeared in New Scientist, which reported on a study involving more than four million people. The study itself was hardly revolutionary because it largely reinforced what researchers have understood for years: smokers who switch from combustible tobacco to vaping reduce their exposure to the toxic products of combustion that make smoking so deadly. Yet despite this obvious implication, the public message delivered by some commentators was not that switching away from cigarettes can significantly reduce harm but rather that people who quit smoking and continue vaping may still face higher health risks than people who quit nicotine entirely.
This response perfectly illustrates a growing problem within modern public health. Rather than asking whether a smoker is moving from a highly dangerous product to a substantially less dangerous one, many influential voices seem determined to evaluate every alternative against a standard of complete perfection. If a product is not entirely harmless, it is treated with suspicion; if a cessation method is not flawless, it is portrayed as inadequate, and if any measurable risk remains, that risk becomes the entire story.
The result is a public health narrative that often bears little resemblance to the choices real smokers face in everyday life. For millions of smokers, the decision is not between vaping and a lifetime of perfect health, nor is it between nicotine use and complete abstinence. Instead, it is between continuing to inhale smoke from burning tobacco every single day or switching to a product that eliminates combustion and dramatically reduces exposure to many of the toxic chemicals responsible for smoking-related disease. Yet public health messaging increasingly ignores this reality and frames vaping primarily through the lens of what it is not rather than what it may help people escape.
This is where the statistical bait and switch begins. Imagine a person who smoked a pack of cigarettes every day for twenty years before finally finding a way to quit through vaping. By the time they make that transition, the biological consequences of their smoking history have already accumulated, their lungs have been exposed to thousands of toxic compounds, their cardiovascular system has endured decades of stress, and their cancer risk has already been shaped by years of inhaling smoke.
If that person later develops lung disease or cancer, their smoking history remains one of the most important explanatory factors because the damage caused by decades of smoking does not simply vanish the moment they switch products. Yet studies are frequently presented in ways that compare former smokers who vape with people who quit nicotine entirely or with people who never used nicotine products in the first place. While such comparisons may be scientifically interesting, they often become highly misleading when translated into public messaging because the average smoker reading a headline is unlikely to appreciate the nuances of epidemiology or understand the limitations of comparing groups with vastly different histories of tobacco exposure.
What they hear is far simpler. They hear that vaping is linked to disease, that vaping is dangerous, and that vaping carries risks. What they often do not hear is the far more relevant question: compared with what?
The practical decision facing smokers is not whether to become lifelong non-users overnight but whether to continue smoking cigarettes or move to something that most independent reviews have concluded is substantially less harmful. That comparison matters because it reflects the reality of the choice smokers are actually making. When researchers, institutions, and media outlets focus relentlessly on the gap between vaping and complete abstinence while downplaying the enormous gap between vaping and smoking, they create a distorted picture of risk that leaves smokers more confused than informed. The smoker standing outside having a cigarette is not comparing vaping to an idealised state of perfect health; they are comparing vaping to the cigarette they are about to light, and in that comparison, the evidence points overwhelmingly in one direction.
The second problem is the increasingly common insistence that smokers must fail repeatedly before they are allowed access to alternatives that might actually work for them. Many public health figures continue to argue that smokers should first exhaust approved cessation methods such as nicotine gum, patches, lozenges, counselling services, quit lines, and pharmaceutical treatments, with alternative nicotine products considered only after these options have failed.
At first glance, this approach sounds sensible and responsible because who could object to encouraging people to try established methods first? The problem emerges when this theoretical framework collides with real-world experience. Most long-term smokers have already tried to quit, many have tried several times, and some have tried dozens of times. They have chewed the gum, worn the patches, attended counselling sessions, called quit lines, and followed the advice offered by health professionals, yet for many these methods simply did not work.
Despite these repeated failures, the institutional response often resembles a bureaucratic obstacle course designed to ensure smokers continue attempting the same unsuccessful strategies over and over again. Rather than acknowledging that different people respond to different approaches, the system frequently insists smokers keep failing until they have sufficiently demonstrated their commitment to an approved pathway. Imagine applying this logic elsewhere in healthcare. If a patient repeatedly failed on one treatment for a chronic condition, doctors would not insist they continue using that treatment indefinitely simply because it was the preferred option. Instead, they would explore alternatives, adapt their approach, and seek solutions tailored to the individual.
Yet when it comes to nicotine, flexibility often gives way to ideology. The emphasis shifts away from achieving the best outcome and toward ensuring compliance with a predetermined process. What matters is not whether the smoker escapes cigarettes but whether they do so using methods that fit within an approved framework.
This reveals a deeper issue within parts of the tobacco control establishment because over time some institutions appear to have shifted from pursuing reduced harm to pursuing purity. The original harm reduction argument was never complicated. It recognised that while complete abstinence is the ideal outcome, many people are unable or unwilling to achieve it, and rather than abandoning those individuals, harm reduction seeks to provide safer alternatives that lower risk and improve health outcomes.
Nobody serious ever claimed vaping was completely risk free, nobody argued that inhaling nicotine vapour was equivalent to breathing clean mountain air, and nobody suggested vaping represented a perfect solution to every smoking-related problem. The central argument was always about relative risk. Compared with smoking, how dangerous is vaping? Compared with smoking, how many toxic chemicals are present? Compared with smoking, how many lives could potentially be saved?
The reaction from figures such as Becky Freeman perfectly illustrates this shift. Faced with evidence that smokers who switch to vaping are generally reducing their exposure to many of the toxic substances found in cigarette smoke, the emphasis is often placed not on the benefits of moving away from combustible tobacco but on the fact that vaping is not completely risk-free. In media commentary, the message frequently becomes that smokers should first exhaust every approved cessation method before considering vaping and that any remaining uncertainty about long-term risks justifies caution. While caution is a legitimate part of public health, the practical effect of this framing is that the enormous difference between smoking and vaping becomes overshadowed by the much smaller difference between vaping and complete abstinence. The discussion shifts from helping smokers choose the safer option available to them today toward comparing vaping with an ideal outcome that many smokers may never achieve. In doing so, the public conversation risks losing sight of the people still smoking cigarettes, the very group that stands to gain the most from accurate communication about relative risk.
Those were the questions that defined the debate, yet increasingly many public discussions seem designed to avoid them entirely. Instead, the benchmark becomes complete abstinence, and anything that falls short of perfection is treated as a failure. Any remaining uncertainty becomes grounds for alarm, any residual risk becomes justification for restrictions, and any evidence of harm, no matter how much smaller than smoking, becomes the dominant headline.
This rhetorical manoeuvre fundamentally changes the terms of the debate because vaping is no longer evaluated against cigarettes but against an impossible ideal. Once that shift occurs, victory becomes unattainable because no nicotine product can ever satisfy the demand for complete safety.
The irony is that public health has historically embraced harm reduction in countless other areas. Seatbelts do not eliminate road fatalities, yet they save lives. Bicycle helmets do not prevent every head injury, yet they reduce risk. Methadone does not eliminate addiction, yet it reduces harm. Needle exchange programs do not eradicate drug use, yet they prevent disease and save lives. Public health has traditionally understood that reducing harm is often more realistic and more effective than attempting to eliminate risk. For some reason, nicotine increasingly appears to be treated as the exception.
Perhaps the most damaging consequence of this perfectionist mindset is the confusion it creates among ordinary smokers. Academics understand the difference between relative risk and absolute risk, researchers understand confidence intervals and epidemiological limitations, but most smokers encounter health information through headlines, social media posts, television interviews, and short news articles rather than academic journals.
When they repeatedly hear respected experts emphasising the dangers of vaping without equally emphasising the vastly greater dangers of smoking, they begin to draw their own conclusions, and many come to believe that vaping is just as harmful as smoking or perhaps even worse. This misunderstanding has been documented repeatedly in surveys across multiple countries, with large numbers of smokers now holding wildly inaccurate perceptions about the relative risks of different nicotine products because they have been exposed to years of messaging that highlights every potential danger associated with vaping while often failing to provide meaningful context.
The result is entirely predictable. When smokers believe there is little difference between smoking and vaping, many simply continue smoking because they see little reason to switch. Why go through the effort of changing if the experts appear to be saying both products are dangerous? Why alter behaviour if the alternative is portrayed as barely any better?
The tragedy is that many of the people delivering these messages genuinely believe they are protecting public health. Their intentions may be sincere, and they may genuinely worry about unintended consequences and long-term uncertainties, but good intentions do not automatically produce good outcomes. If public communication discourages smokers from moving away from combustible tobacco, then it is protecting the cigarette market regardless of whether that was the intention. If smokers remain confused about relative risk, the practical beneficiary is not public health but the continued sale of cigarettes.
The ultimate irony is that parts of the modern anti-vaping movement increasingly resemble the very mindset that tobacco control once fought against. For decades, activists demanded honest communication about risk, challenged misinformation, and argued that adults deserved accurate information to make informed decisions about their health. Today, some of those same institutions appear uncomfortable communicating relative risk when the conclusions support products they dislike.
The old war against smoking produced many genuine achievements. Smoking rates fell dramatically, public awareness increased, and millions of lives were undoubtedly saved. These victories deserve recognition, but success can create its own blind spots. When a movement spends decades fighting a single enemy, it can become difficult to recognise when the battlefield changes, when new technologies emerge, when new evidence develops, and when new opportunities arise. Institutions built around a particular worldview often struggle to adapt.
Instead of seeing a smoker who switches to vaping as evidence of progress, they increasingly see a problem that still requires correction. Instead of celebrating a movement away from combustible tobacco, they focus on the fact that nicotine use continues. Instead of recognising harm reduction as a public health success, they view it as an uncomfortable compromise.
That is how a movement dedicated to reducing smoking can end up discouraging some of the very behaviours that help people stop smoking.
The perfection protection racket ultimately asks smokers to choose between an unrealistic ideal and continued suffering. It tells them that unless they can achieve complete abstinence, their efforts are somehow inadequate. It demands that they pursue a standard many will never reach while simultaneously casting doubt on alternatives that could dramatically reduce their risk.
For academics, this may remain an intellectual debate conducted through journal articles, conference presentations, and media interviews. For smokers, it is something far more immediate because it is a decision made every morning with the first cigarette of the day, every evening when another quit attempt feels impossible, and every time they wonder whether there might be a better way forward.
Public health should be making that decision easier.
Instead, too often, it seems determined to make it harder.



The tobacco control establishment is a fossil from the XX century threatened by XXI century developments. They feel they are the heirs and the implementers of an epic and global public health victory crowned in the FTCT, the first global treaty on a health issue, ratified by 180 countries. However, the FTCT has had mixed success, smoking has decayed in rich countries but is highly prevalent in Asia, Middle East and even in the EU. The national industries of China, Vietnam, Indonesia, Middle Eastern countries, provide huge revenues supplying cigarettes to about 60-70% of world smokers (and oblivious to the designs of the FTCT). Although the technocracy has never been subjected to scrutiny and accountability, governments and global elites still grant it full control and veto power over all issues involving tobacco and nicotine. However, their policies, arguments and smoking cessation methods have become exhausted and stagnant. Under these conditions of stagnation, BINGO !!!, a disruptive technology emerges. Accepting the benefits of this disruption would force them to completely redefine their policies and methods. The defensive reaction is no longer to focus on smoking (which they feel they control) but against nicotine to be able to target alternative products. This is more a sign of weakness and fear than a sign of strength, an existential fear of loosing control, since accepting the benefits of the new products means accepting (HORROR OF HORRORS !!!) that they must be manufactured and supplied by some industries, not by "our pharma allies". Their narrative also reflects fear and detachment from elementary facts: they describes new products as a market strategy by "the industry" to recruit young adults, meaning by "the industry" PMI, BAT, JAL, when ~80-90% of the vape market is manufactured by the Chinese tobacco industry. The FTCT technocrats know they cannot control the Chinese industry, therefore the supply of vapes will continue, whether regulated or illicit. Faced with this failure, they are painting themselves in a corner, with every time emitting more radical narrative. All as a fear reaction.
They somehow think that anyone who finds a way to quit 'the wrong way' is part of an evil plot, or sold out to 'Big Tobacco'. They are incapable of seeing that we found something that finally worked, and thus might want to help others quit, too. There doesn't have to be a commercial incentive to do something, just trying to pass forward what worked, helping others.